Lebanon operates a complex, sectarian – or confessional – parliamentary system. At times, this can create gridlock in decision-making, as elected sectarian leaders prioritise their interests over national unity.

Views on this sectarian structure vary. Most Lebanese remember the historical influences that shaped the current system, including the two-nation state and the period leading to the establishment of ‘Greater Lebanon’ under the League of Nations Mandate, and they understand the natural tensions. However, others argue that this structure has stifled reform in critical policy areas.

Dr. Imad Berro, a microbiologist, medical expert, and community leader among the Lebanese diaspora in Australia, explains how the nature of the Lebanese sectarian parliamentary system emerged from the country’s history, which was scarred by civil war, rebellions, uprisings, and invasions – a combination of both domestic infighting between faith groups and external influences.

“Lebanon’s sectarian allocation of seats in parliament is based on the 1943 National Pact and later codified in the 1989 Taif Agreement. It seeks to balance representation among its 18 officially recognized religious sects,” Dr. Imad states.

“Lebanon’s sectarian parliamentary system emerged from the country’s unique demographic and political history. During Ottoman rule, the system (granted) religious communities a degree of autonomy, laying the groundwork for sectarian governance.”

This allocation of parliamentary seats continues to spark debate within Lebanon, as well as among the Lebanese diaspora and foreign policymakers.

Remy Wehbe, a retired officer from the Lebanese Army, director of the Oz Arab Media Company in Australia, and CEO of Remy Wehbe Investments, explains that Lebanon’s sectarian structure was never intended to divide, but to unite diverse interests in the state of ‘Greater Lebanon,’ particularly following a period of instability and war.

“The intent of the sectarian structure was to preserve fundamental rights and represent each religious group’s participation within Parliament,” Remy notes.

“Before 1920, the country of Lebanon, as we know it, did not exist. There was the Mount Lebanon Mutassarifiah, which consisted of two federated substates: the ‘Northern Mutassarifiah,’ predominantly inhabited by Christians, and the ‘Southern Mutassarifiah,’ which included Christians, Druze, other Muslims, and other religious groups.”

A closer looks at the allocation of seats in parliament 

Representation in Lebanon occurs across 15 major electoral districts and 26 minor ones. Voter demographics vary across these districts, leading to ongoing discussions about electoral boundary reform and the potential for merging districts.

Lebanon’s National Assembly (parliament) is composed of 128 members who are elected by the people of Lebanon every four years. The last election was held in May 2022.

The European Union, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), German Cooperation, and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) report that in the last election, the distribution of seats in the National Assembly ranged from 5 to 11 in each electoral region.

“Elections in each electorate in Lebanon are based on a proportionate system and a preference vote,” says Remy. “It doesn’t matter about the size of each electoral district, residents are proportionally represented, so that areas with a larger population, such as those with nearly 300,000 voters do not disproportionally sway the balance of power in Parliament.”

All seats in each region are allocated based on Lebanon’s confessional quota system. Seats are allocated to an electoral district and then subdivided based on the religious sects within the region.

For instance, in the North III electoral district, there are a total of 10 seats – 7 allocated for Christian Maronite candidates and 3 for Orthodox candidates. In another electoral district, South Lebanon I, there are a total of 5 seats in the National Assembly – 2 for Maronite candidates, 2 for Sunni candidates, and 1 for Catholic candidates.

A candidate from a sect (religion) not represented in a particular region will not be considered for election in that area. Although there are some exceptions, this system applies to most of Lebanon.

The highest-voted candidates from each party are then elected to represent the electoral district as deputies, forming the 128-member National Assembly.

Lebanon’s parliamentary system is unicameral – meaning it has one parliamentary chamber, unlike other systems such as the United States Congress and the Westminster system.

Hassan Rahman, President of the NSW Branch of the World Lebanese Cultural Union, comments that while the sectarian structure allocates representatives from each sect, it does not make the cultivation of greater policy debate or reform within parliament impossible.

Hassan explains, “Lebanon’s political parties can better navigate sectarian divisions by putting Lebanon first, encouraging patriotism, shifting to issue-based politics, empowering reformist voices, and fostering inclusive dialogue.”

Critics argue that the sectarian system has hindered policy debate, genuine reform, and has led to instances of maladministration.

Dr. Abraham Constantin, a former candidate for the Federal Senate in Australia and President of the Continental Council of the Australian Lebanese Cultural Union, points out that while the Lebanese have always been entrenched in religion, there should be a separation between religion and policymaking.

He also acknowledges the political stagnation caused by this same system.

“Enshrine the freedom of practice of religion in the constitution but keep religion out of politics. Members of parliament should be representing Lebanon in regions and not sects,” says Dr Abraham.
“This system has not always worked and has created impediments. For example, there isn’t always a smooth transition between governments, and it has taken parliament almost two years to elect a president,” says Dr. Abraham. He adds, “Each group has its own numbers. It’s not a secular system.”
“In government the only word that should be heard is ‘I’m Lebanese”, Dr Abraham explains. He emphasises, “Religion represents God and our faith in God. Politics represents Lebanon and our faith in Lebanon.”

“We need the courage to rebuild the resilience of the Lebanese people. Lebanon can and will rise again,” shares Dr Abraham.

The issue of policy making and solving for Lebanon’s current energy and economic crisis have become more apparent.

With the 2026 elections approaching, most Lebanese and the Lebanese diaspora await the release of parties’ policy agendas and election commitments.